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Hello, i read your blog occasionally and i own a similar one and i was just curious if you get a lot of spam comments? If so how do you stop it, any plugin or anything you can recommend? Ces indications très générales suffisent pour nous rendre compte, au moins schématiquement, de l allure générale de la carte d Agrippa.

Il en ressort, selon moi, deux certitudes. C est, je crois, une hypothèse apparemment novatrice, mais excessive. D abord, nous n avons aucun parallèle de l affichage d un texte géographique je ne parle pas d itinéraires, ou de distances, ce qui est différent. Le mot proponere, que Pline emploie pour désigner le projet d Agrippa, est précisément le même qu il a utilisé pour parler des tableaux peintures que ce dernier avait également offerts et proposés à l admiration des Romains Pline, XXXV, Mais il y a plus.

On a en effet depuis longtemps noté que deux compilations géographiques tardives, intitulées dans les manuscrits qui les ont transmises Dimensuratio provinciarum et Divisio orbis terrarum reproduisent quasi-littéralement simplement dans un ordre inverse les nomenclatures de régions ou de provinces et les mesures d Agrippa; si bien qu on les considère à juste titre comme un élément essentiel de la tradition du texte qui, bien sûr, existait de ce dernier.

Il faut le citer et le traduire: S il s agissait seulement d un texte chorographie dans le sens d écrit géographique , on voit clairement l absurdité à laquelle on aboutirait: Et cette opération est exprimée par une préposition instrumentale per qui ne se dit jamais d un livre ou d un texte. Cette vérité est confirmée, à mon sens, par un témoignage littéraire tardif, mais frappant. Les mots et les expressions employé par l orateur officiel ne peuvent laisser de doute: La phraséologie de cette description on peut le montrer précisément comme l énumération des détails qu elle comporte, rappellent de très près les définitions de Strabon et les expressions employées par Pline ou par la Divisio orbis terrarum, c est-à-dire les textes dérivés d Agrippa.

De plus, cette restauration? Ce n est pas fortuit: Même si la carte d Autun elle-même n était pas une copie provinciale de la carte d Agrippa ce que je pense , Eumène, en tout cas, veut le faire croire. Ils s en tirent cependant par un ultime argument: Brodersen en veut pour preuve la phrase de péroraison de la description d Eumènes: Mais il est erroné de citer cette phrase immédiatement après la description générale de la carte alors qu elle suit et conclut les paragraphes où sont énumérés et décrits les pays de la Bretagne à la Perse et à l Egypte qui ont vu de récentes victoires impériales.

L hypercritique défie parfois le bon sens, et récuse des témoignages évidents 9. Naturellement, l excès contraire serait non moins fautif. J ai montré, je crois, que les Romains, au fur et à mesure que se constituait et s agrandissait leur Etat, qu il croissait en complexité administrative c est-à-dire bureaucratique , avaient été conduits à pratiquer, sur une échelle de plus en plus vaste, des mensurations et des relevés de terrains et de villes, à réaliser des plans en nombreux exemplaires, à les graver parfois sur des supports durables.

De même, ils ont bien évidemment établi des itinéraires pour visualiser les distances que leurs milliaires égrenaient le long de leurs routes. Ces réalisations ne concernaient pas seulement des espaces réduits la Ville de Rome , mais, pour les centuriations, des ensembles régionaux impressionnants.

On a vu qu il est faux de prétendre que la notion d échelle leur ait été inconnue: Cette cartographie scientifique ancienne, avec ces systèmes de projection raffinés et ses coordonnées mathématiques, redécouverte à la Renaissance, est à l origine de la cartographie moderne. Assurément, les cartes romaines dont je viens de parler étaient différentes.

Les Anciens n étaient pas les Modernes. Ils voyageaient lentement, à pied, à cheval, ou en voiture, au ras du sol; leur vision des paysages, des pays, du relief était celle du voyageur, souvent porté à compter encore de nos jours!

Tout cela est vrai. En outre, si l on considère les techniques nécessaires à une cartographie moderne, il est tout à fait exact que les Anciens ne connaissaient ni les lunettes optiques, ni les chronomètres pour les longitudes , ni l imprimerie. Leur cartographie ne pouvait être la nôtre.

Mais ils en avaient inventorié les ingrédients nécessaires, à défaut de pouvoir les réaliser. Si on a pu aisément identifier le texte d Artémidore Proemium et début du Libre II que encadre la carte, l identification de celle-ci est, pour l instant, impossible.

La carte elle même, semble rappeler la Table de Peutinger ce qui a suffi à K. Dernière mise au point, dubitative, de Kramer, B. The earliest known Map of Spain? Le brevi lodi che subito dopo Orosio dedica all edificio non sarebbero, secondo i critici ed i commentatori di Orosio, niente altro che un esercizio di sciovinismo patriottardo dell innamorato della sua Hispania e delle meraviglie di cui essa poteva vantarsi.

L occupazione della Penisola Iberica dopo la II guerra punica e i suoi effetti pratici Espulsi definitivamente dall Hispania i cartaginesi nel a. Tutto il II sec. L opera fu scritta per incarico di S. Agostino quando questi lavorava al De Civitate Dei, pare in giovane età dell ispanico. Di Orosio, oltre alla sua qualità di naturale della Spagna, non ci consta con sicurezza una particolare origine provinciale, e mentre alcuni lo considerano della Tarraconense, altri propendono per la Bracarense o la Betica.

Allo stesso tempo, gli eserciti consolari della Citeriore, dalla loro base di Tarraco, esercitano lo stesso movimento di pressione a tenaglia sulle zone interne della Caeltiberia verso le risorse minerarie oro, specialmente della zona degli Astures. Per dieci anni i romani non solo non avanzano, ma devono subire le sue conti- 2 Il minio, minerale dal carattere sacro in antico, poi molto ricercato per la pittura e con prezzi altissimi, era prodotto in età tardorepubblicana e imperiale nel Miniarum Sisaponense ed elaborato a Roma nelle oficinae minii del Quirinale attraverso una compagina di pubblicani i Socii miniariarum Sisaponensium che lo lavoravano per conto dello Stato il cinabro non poteva essere raffinato in Spagna ed arrivava a Roma sotto sigillo dello Stato stesso.

Le notizie più precise, apparte qualche importantissimo documento epigrafico, sono quelle forniteci da Plinio il Vecchio. A chi fosse interesatto al tema suggerisco la lettura del mio lavoro. A loro volta, le forze proconsolari della Cartaginense- Tarraconense, partendo da Tarraco, esercitano la stessa pressione a tenaglia sui Vettoni, alleati anche degli Arevaci, cercando di isolare il territorio di questi ultimi e conquistare il loro caposaldo, Numantia.

Anche in questo caso le vicende, alterne e tante volte umilianti per Roma, costituiscono ancora per un lungo tempo motivo di frustrazione. Cornelio Scipione Africano Minore, molto dopo la definitiva distruzione di Cartagine Solo allora anche da nord i Vettoni si troveranno circondati e chiusi, le porte verso gli Asturi si apriranno, e porteranno la provincia, con Augusto, fino ai confini del finis terrae, l angolo nordoccidentale degli Artabri.

La campagna di D. Giunio Bruto contro i Gallaeci nel a. Questi luoghi erano stati già testimoni di una notevole disfatta d Amilcare, padre di Annibale Cornelio Nepote, De vir. Si tratta sicuramente di quelle montagne che ancora molto più tardi, al tempo delle lotte tra svevi, vandali e alani invasori, prima che si consolidasse il potere visigotico sul centro-occidentale della Spagna, erano denominate Montes Erbasii, cui fanno accenno sia Hidacio di Limia Chronicon , sia San Isidoro Etimologiae.

Il mutato atteggiamento di conquista dei romani avviene nel a. Credo che non sia dato atto della genialità della visione del problema e della sua soluzione a questo grande stratega; tanto più che essa ebbe risultati non solo brillanti ma, soprattutto, definitivi, in quanto rese per sempre isolati, chiusi e per tanto innocui, quegli ostici e spavaldi nemici fig.

A capo di due legioni, probabilmente già a Marzo del , Bruto parte da Corduba verso nord-ovest. L elezione del luogo è tutt altro che casuale, dato che la distanza via terra dalle fonti di approvvigionamento per l esercito quasi trecento miglia non avrebbe consentito ad un esercito in marcia di rifornirsi con rapidità durante una campagna che doveva raggiungere il suo limite a circa il doppio di quella distanza.

Appare chiaro che Bruto aveva pianificato queste operazioni in modo accurato e del tutto nuovo; con un punto intermedio, facilmente raggiungibile dal mare, con un sicuro e confortevole approdo e riparo, da dove la campagna sarebbe stata più facilmente assistita e condotta in due direzioni, senza compromettere la sicurezza di un esercito sicuramente sdoppiato.

L ampio e ben difeso estuario era il luogo ideale fig. Le operazioni di terra contemplavano probabilmente, l abbiamo detto, la divisione dell esercito in due corpi d armata con compiti diversi; il primo, a ridosso dei sistemi montani, doveva contenere le velleità dei vettoni di portare soccorso alle popolazioni costiere, mentre il secondo sarebbe avanzato a marce forzate attraverso queste per raggiungere l estremo limite della Gallaecia: Ma proseguiamo con i vettoni. Il flusso commerciale delle anfore olearie betiche secondo le due rotte marittime, mediterranea e atlantica.

Commercio atlantico stabile postaugusteo. Augusto ebbe solo necessità di consolidare un istituto, un sistema di comunicazioni commerciali che funzionava già egregiamente da lungo tempo.

Ne abbiamo la controprova in un fatto: Bisogna considerare in primo luogo che le anfore olearie come, in sostanza, tutte le anfore sono primariamente destinate al trasporto marittimo; non si tratta di contenitori che possano compiere lunghi percorsi lungo le strade antiche in condizioni di sicurezza: Per non parlare del fatto che il prodotto contenuto era estremamente prezioso per l amministrazione romana.

Si è sempre pensato, ed è stato più volte scritto, che la penetrazione di queste anfore verso la frontiera del Reno sia avvenuta per via fluviale attraverso il Rodano, fino a un punto di connessione con il Mosella, con successiva discesa verso Confluentia Koblenz. Ed è vero che non solo il Rodano, ma anche i suoi affluenti abbiano servito alla distribuzione di contingenti oleari verso l interno, come attesta la presenza di dediche ai naviculari olearii ex Baetica fino a Ginevra Ad ogni buon conto, tutto il traffico che dalla Foce del Rodano poteva venire convogliato verso l interno doveva formar parte della mercatura privata e non aver relazione alcuna con un contesto di forniture per gli avamposti militari della frontiera, che, sebbene sempre dipendenti dalle flotte e navigli privati convenzionati con l annona, dovevano fare la rotta marittima fino alla foce del Reno, ove poteva effettuarsi il trasbordo a mezzo fluviale che doveva trainarlo, e dove non era necessario che le navi con destino alla Britannia scaricassero, ma potevano, al massimo, effettuare uno scalo tecnico fig.

Negli avamposti militari di queste frontiere incontriamo non di rado le anfore Dr. Roma, 94 e ss. L anfora è il contenitore da trasporto specificamente marittimo per liquidi e semiliquidi. Nessun anfora era stata pensata, in principio, per il trasporto terrestre: I liquidi destinati alla diffusione via terra avevano a disposizione altri contenitori, come gli utres, i cullei, le cupae, ecc. Ambiente, storia, materiali, Roma, , cit.

Tuttavia esistono alcune formule ancora difficili da decifrare che sostituiscono o modificano le precedenti e che potrebbero rappresentare specificamente i titoli delle anfore olearie destinate ad alcuni avamposti militari. Il fatto che qualche volta, queste titolature tarde si trovino a Roma, sul Monte Testaccio 18, sembrerebbe esautorare questa ipotesi.

Si tratta di iscrizioni del gruppo Fisci Rationis, databili a partire del d. È questa una piccola parcella dell epigrafia anforaria ancora tutta da studiare gli esemplari noti non sono molti in cerca di conferma o di smentita alla nostra ipotesi.

Punto sostanzialmente fermo nella cronologia: Naturalmente, rimane il fatto che l Atlantico non ha ancora restituito materiali archeologici che confermino l uso di questa rotta atlantica. Ma ove si pensi che perfino nei relitti moderni nelle coste atlantiche ben raramente si osservano tracce, per via dei fondali ben più profondi di quelli delle coste mediterranee, l assenza di reperti navali antichi non costituisce se non un molto labile motivo di meraviglia.

La specula Britanniae di Brigantium nel passo orosiano Nel corso della sua descrizione della Spagna Adv. Dressel sul monte Testaccio, formano un importante serie delle sue scoperte riunite nel CIL. Torre de Hércules, La Coruña. Hispaniae Circium intendit, ubi Brigantia Galleciae civitas sita altissimam Pharum et inter pauca memorandi operis ad speculam Britanniae erigit. Tralasciamo per ora il tipo di costruzione sintattica evidenziato, sembra, dai codici, che i filologi attribuiscono semplicemente al contorto stile del latino basso e di Orosio in particolare; ci occuperemo prima del significato del paragrafo.

Cosa significa ad speculam Britanniae? La cosa si spiega tenendo conto del punto di stima o centro della rosa dei venti, che per lo Schiron è il porto di Delo centro dei traffici commerciali orientali sin dal a. E allora è chiaro che è da intendere ad speculam itineris maritimi in Britanniam, in quanto il Capo Finisterre è l estremità del lungo tratto di costa rettilinea occidentale, e da quel punto il cabotaggio deve prendere una seconda dirittura settentrionale in direzione dell Aquitania.

La recente scoperta di quest ultimo non è che il corollario di una serie di punti ormai fermi su un periplo atlantico verso il nord romano a cui fino ad oggi nessuno sembrava credere veramente. Attualmente, tutto il suo rivestimento esterno è moderno, mentre le vedute del , non essendo molte né di qualità, ci permettono solamente dire che aveva probabilmente una rampa esterna in legno appoggiata su mensole, la cui risega ad incasso appare nei disegni dell epoca Trattandosi di un monumento collocato all estremità più occidentale del mondo antico, con il quale è stata sempre collegata la leggenda di Ercole, appare suggestivo il fatto che l edificio ostenti anche senza documentazione storica che lo colleghi all antico il nome del Tirintio.

Vi leggiamo, infatti altissimam pharum et inter pauca memorandi operis erigit. Per quale ragione non si specifica? Se di sciovinismo patriottardo di Orosio si trattasse, come generalmente si annota, Orosio, come in altre occasioni, avrebbe dovuto specificarlo, allargandosi nelle lodi. Ma nel testo è ben difficile cogliere questo spirito laudatorio oltre il termine altissima certamente riferito all edificio e memorandum opus, due parole che con essa ben difficilmente possono avere relazione, poiché separate da uno strano nesso et che il testo non solo non richiede, ma rifiuta.

Questa congiuntiva certamente si collega a pharus, ma per la sua condizione di copulativa, deve riguardare tutto un altro sostantivo, non un vero e proprio circumloquio aggettivale inter pauca ecc. Rimane forte il sospetto che una corruttela testuale dei primi codici abbia storpiato in inter pauca la parola interpanna cioè, un sistema di grandi pannelli figurati a rilievo, fra lesene di separazione. In tal caso, l et risulta perfettamente comprensibile: La Torre de Hércules.

El Faro Romano de La Coruña. Cet exemple d un commerce, qui a laissé une masse de plus en plus volumineuse de témoins et qui est aujourd hui bien connu 1, atteste l importance primordiale de la voie d eau dans les relations économiques des provinces occidentales de l Empire et dans l essor de celles-ci, dès la première moitié du I er siècle ap. Toutefois, ces transports par bateaux, même s ils étaient possibles sur un très grand nombre de fleuves et sur toutes les mers occidentales, ne pouvaient suffire.

Pour le déplacement des personnes, pour le transport des produits de grande valeur, pour les relations avec les régions dépourvues de cours d eau navigable, enfin pour les périodes pendant lesquelles les voies d eau étaient impraticables, le chemin et la route sont toujours restés indispensables. Aussi le tableau de ces différents moyens de transport avec, successivement, une étude de chacun d eux, ne doit pas masquer leur complémentarité.

Celle-ci apparaît très clairement à travers un certain nombre d exemples, que nous prenons surtout dans la province d Aquitaine. Pourtant, sans parler des relations bien attestées entre l île de Bretagne et la Gaule et la péninsule Ibérique dès l âge du Bronze et pendant toute la Protohistoire 2, les témoignages sont nombreux d un important commerce maritime pendant toute l époque romaine et l Antiquité tardive.

Quelques documents littéraires et épigraphiques On dispose, à ce propos, d un certain nombre de textes d auteurs anciens qui sont parfaitement explicites.

Il suffira d en citer trois, qui sont les plus clairs parmi ceux qu a rassemblés M. Strabon, Géographie, IV, 5, 2: Voilà l attestation la plus nette et la plus précise des navigations atlantiques au I er siècle ap. La relative pauvreté des vestiges archéologiques recueillis jusqu à ce jour, notamment des épaves comme on le verra plus loin, n autorise aucunement à la mettre en doute.

La même information est donnée pour le IV e siècle par Martianus Capella. Les plus intéressants ont été découverts à Bordeaux et concernent des étrangers, originaires de pays riverains des mers occidentales. Deux de ceux-ci, Solimarius et Lunaris, ont laissé des témoignages qui illustrent exactement à notre propos. Ce personnage avait donc des activités commerciales dans au moins trois régions riveraines de la Mer Extérieure.

Aussi devait-il, très probablement, transporter ses marchandises par voie maritime, le long des côtes de l Atlantique, de la Manche et de la Mer du Nord. L analyse pétrographique du monument ayant montré qu il a été taillé dans du grés rose provenant d York, on peut penser que le bloc avait été apporté à cette fin. Assurément, le voyage que redoutait cet important commerçant et pour lequel il avait imploré la protection divine, pour lui-même et sans doute ses marchandises, était la traversée entre York et Bordeaux.

L océan Atlantique et ses dangers Si on a si longtemps douté de l importance de ces navigations atlantiques, c est évidemment en raison des périls que devaient affronter les marins de ces contrées et qui effrayaient les Méditerranéens, nos principaux informateurs.

On ne songeait pas que les marins de ces contrées occidentales prenaient un certain nombre de précautions afin d affronter ces risques et de les réduire. En effet, les conditions climatiques de l Atlantique sont très différentes de celles de la Méditerranée.

Les tempêtes y sont généralement beaucoup plus violentes, en particulier dans le Golfe de Gascogne. Surtout, celles-ci peuvent se déclencher à toute époque de l année, même en plein milieu de l été.

Sans doute, habituellement, l anticyclone des Açores progresse vers le Nord à partir du mois de mai et assure alors un temps relativement calme. Mais cette situation n est pas stable: C est ce danger des tempêtes estivales qui constitue la principale différence entre les conditions de navigation en Méditerranée et sur l Atlantique.

Face à ces périls, qu ils affrontaient depuis longtemps et qu ils avaient appris à bien connaître, les marins de l Atlantique et des mers septentrionales avaient assurément adopté un certain nombre de mesures de prudence, qui leur permettaient de naviguer sur toutes leurs eaux.

La plupart de ces précautions visaient à diminuer le principal danger, celui de la tempête subite: Les solutions étaient simples: En conséquence, un capitaine prudent restait à faible distance des côtes.

Il s en écartait seulement un peu pour éviter les pièges des rochers et des bancs de sable. La navigation atlantique était donc un cabotage, même si on ne peut exclure quelques traversées hauturières, en profitant de quelques journées de grand calme. Les côtes atlantiques devaient aussi être pourvues d un grand nombre de ports. Une répartition régulière, de l ordre d un havre tous les dix à quinze kilomètres, était sans doute souhaitable.

La plupart des rivages atlantiques, généralement assez découpés, le permettaient, à l exception, pensera-ton, du littoral landais, en ne considérant que sa configuration actuelle: Enfin, il était plus sûr de ne naviguer que de jour, afin de mieux observer le ciel et de prévoir, le plus tôt possible, les changements de temps.

Aussi, à la différence des navigations estivales en Méditerranée, qui étaient communément nycthémérales, c est-à-dire qui s effectuaient en traversée directe sans escale nocturne, il est très probable que les marins de l Atlantique relâchaient tous les soirs dans un port.

Certes, cette mesure de prudence allongeait la durée des voyages, mais dans des proportions encore convenables, puisque, en été, les journées sont d une quinzaine d heures. Et ceci pour trois raisons: Les navires Les bateaux, qui naviguaient sur l Atlantique, la Manche et la Mer du Nord à l époque romaine, sont encore très mal connus, en raison de la pauvreté de la documentation littéraire ou iconographique, aggravée par la grande rareté des épaves reconnues et fouillées à ce jour.

Bien qu il ait été maintes fois commenté, le passage de César sur les navires des Vénètes César, La Guerre des Gaules, III, , ne peut assurément être passé sous silence, car il atteste l inventivité des populations littorales pour faire face aux particularités du milieu océanique: On peut penser que ces spécificités des embarcations vénètes, qui, comme le montre très clairement le général romain, répondaient aux conditions de navigation sur l océan et dans les estuaires, furent conservées sur de nombreux navires de l époque romaine.

C est ce que paraissent indiquer quelques rares découvertes archéologiques. L embarcation, découverte dans la basse Charente, en aval de Saintes, devait avoir une capacité de charge d une dizaine de tonnes, avec une longueur d une quinzaine de m et une largeur de 4,80 m, était dotée d un pont à l avant et à l arrière, d une étrave et d un étambot: Sans doute cette embarcation est-elle datée du Haut Moyen Âge, mais plusieurs épaves de la Tamise, celles du II e siècle notamment Mardsen et , sont du même genre, ou encore le bateau de Bruges, daté également du II e siècle Mardsen Les autres embarcations, plus ou moins sûrement reconnues en Aquitaine, ont été trouvées par hasard et généralement détruites dès ce moment-là, comme le navire de Cadaujac, qui sombra en et dont on n a été recueilli que les monnaies et quelques morceaux de bois Étienne et Rachet Leur tonnage La capacité de transport de ces bateaux de l Atlantique était assurément inférieure à celle des gros bâtiments de la Méditerranée, de ces myriophoroi qui pouvaient atteindre t de port en lourd Pomey et Tchernia et dont l épave de Giens est un bon exemplaire, avec ses 40 m de long, 9 m de large et sa cale de 4,50 m de hauteur.

Ceux que l on a pu examiner récemment, en particulier les épaves de la Tamise et de Port-Bertaud 2, étaient nettement plus petits et de plus faible tirant d eau, en raison de la pratique généralisée de la navigation à la fois en mer et dans les estuaires. Mais leur tonnage était de l ordre de plusieurs dizaines de tonneaux, avec un port en lourd de 10 à 50 tonnes selon les cas. La capacité de transport de ces embarcations était donc très supérieure à celle des chariots, même si on considère que ceux-ci portaient des charges souvent supérieures aux livres indiquées dans l Édit du Maximum Raepsaet , , Molin et qui pouvaient vraisemblablement atteindre la tonne pour les grosses charrettes tirées par des boeufs.

Leur vitesse Le bateau était aussi bien plus rapide que le chariot de transport de marchandises. Les informations précises manquent pour les navigations antiques dans l Atlantique. César traversa la Manche avec son armée en environ 6 heures.

Il est aussi rapporté qu un navire chargé de blé aurait fait le voyage entre l Egypte et l Angleterre en 20 jours Léonce de Naples, Vie de Saint Jean l Aumônier, d après Rougé , , durée tellement courte qu elle doit correspondre à un impressionnant record, puisque c est le temps que. Indiquons plutôt quelques exemples parfaitement sûrs, pris dans la longue série établie par J. Bernard pour la fin du Moyen Âge et le début de l Époque Moderne: Rappelons enfin, grâce à un passage bien connu d Ausone Lettres, V, , le grand intérêt de l utilisation de la marée dans les estuaires, aussi bien du flux que du reflux: Cette possibilité d utiliser le flot de la marée est la particularité et le très grand avantage qu offre le littoral atlantique, grâce à ses estuaires et à ses rias.

Par ces véritables couloirs maritimes, abrités des tempêtes de l océan, les navires de mer, portés par la marée, pouvaient s avancer rapidement et parfois très loin à l intérieur des terres. L Aquitaine, par exemple, disposait de trois grands estuaires, celui de la Gironde et de la Garonne, long de km, de la Loire, d environ 60 km et celui de la Charente de 50 km.

Les rias des Asturies, de la Galice et de l Armorique sont en général plus courtes, mais leur profondeur est souvent supérieure. Les ports de l Atlantique L Aquitaine disposait d un assez grand nombre de ports de mer, répartis assez régulièrement sur toute sa façade atlantique: Ces quatre ports principaux de l Aquitaine se sont tous développés à l extrémité de ces longs estuaires, que pouvaient atteindre les bateaux de mer et où commençait la navigation fluviale.

Sur la Loire, se trouvaient, face à face, Nantes et Rézé. Provost , 29 et. Rézé, le Ratiaton de Ptolémée, était le Port des Pictons, une vaste agglomération qui a connu un essor rapide à partir de l époque augustéenne: Provost , 29 et Sur la Gironde, se trouvaient Barzan et Bordeaux.

Barzan, très vaste vicus installé sur la rive gauche de l estuaire, était probablement le Portus Santonum. Relié à Saintes par une bonne route, il assurait un important trafic entre le chef-lieu de la cité des Santons et Bordeaux et vers tout le bassin de la Garonne. Si le port n a pas encore été localisé avec certitude, de grands entrepôts ont été reconnus en prospection aérienne et leur fouille vient de commencer. Burdigala était la première cité marchande du Golfe de Gascogne. Son rayonnement commercial, conféré par une exceptionnelle situation géographique, est attesté par une abondante documentation littéraire, épigraphique et archéologique.

Son port est encore mal connu. Pendant très longtemps il n a été question que de celui du Bas-Empire, situé au centre du castrum et que décrivent avec précision Ausone Lettres, XIII, et Paulin de Pella Poèmes d action de grâce, Aujourd hui, grâce aux fouilles récentes, on commence à se rendre compte que celui du Haut-Empire était plus vaste: A côté de ces grands ports, existaient, tout le long de la côte d Aquitaine, de nombreux autres établissements portuaires, plus ou moins bien équipés et plus.

Les différents moyens de transport de l Aquitaine gallo-romaine. A leur propos, nous manquons presque toujours de données précises, car ils n ont pas fait l objet de véritables recherches. Aussi notre liste est-elle probablement incomplète et, pour ceux que nous mentionnons, les informations sont à la fois incertaines et lacunaires.

Sur le territoire de la cité des Pictons, sont localisés les sites portuaires de Prigny aux Moutiers Provost , , de Nallier Provost et al. Saintes, capitale de l Aquitaine sous le Haut- Empire, avait assurément un port actif, même si on n en a encore jamais rencontré de vestiges Maurin , La Charente est, en effet, remontée par la marée jusqu aux abords de la ville et d assez gros bateaux, comme le caboteur de Port-Berteau II présenté plus haut p.

Les deux rives du fleuve, en aval et en amont du grand pont de la voie de Lyon, devaient être plus ou moins bien aménagées, soit simplement renforcées par des palissades de pieux, soit dotées de véritables quais. Au sud de la Charente, l estuaire de la Seudre offrait un excellent abri naturel et devait assurément disposer de mouillages équipés d embarcadères. Ensuite, outre les grands ports de Barzan et de Bordeaux, l ensemble du très long estuaire de la Gironde, de la Garonne inférieure et de la basse Dordogne disposait de nombreux établissements portuaires, qui sont également mal connus, par manque de recherches archéologiques, bien que plusieurs soient mentionnés par des sources littéraires assez précises.

De l océan vers l intérieur, on peut citer successivement Dumnotonum, la villa de Théon, l ami d Ausone, qui se trouvait à proximité de la Pointe de Grave et devait posséder un embarcadère.

Puis, sur la même rive de l estuaire, mais un peu à l écart de celle-ci, l agglomération de Brion, à Saint-Germain-d Esteuil, probablement le Noviomagus de Ptolémée qui occupait une dizaine d hectares et dont une partie des édifices a été exhumée, mais pas le port qui se trouve vraisemblablement un peu au nord, peut-être au bord d un.

Plus loin, sur le plateau de Blaye, se dressait Blavia Landais , avec son port en contrebas où, en venant de Saintes par la grande route, on s embarquait pour gagner commodément Bordeaux Ausone, Lettres, X, ; une garnison des milites Garronensium, préposés à la défense du littoral Notice de Dignités, XXVII y était stationnée à la fin du IV e siècle. Au-delà de Bordeaux, se trouvaient encore plusieurs autres ports qui profitaient aussi de la marée et que mentionnent des sources anciennes, en particulier Condate sur la Dordogne, identifié avec Condat, faubourg de Libourne Ausone, Lettres, V, 32 et Alingo, l actuelle Langon Sidoine Apollinaire, Lettres, VIII, Au sud de la Gironde, la côte rectiligne du Médoc et des Landes est aujourd hui peu propice à l installation d établissements portuaires, à l exception du Bassin d Arcachon.

Mais il n en était sans doute pas ainsi à l époque romaine puisque les géographes considèrent que le cordon de dunes n était pas encore entièrement constitué sur l ensemble du littoral: Aussi de petits ports ou de simples mouillages pouvaient se trouver non loin de l embouchure de ces petits cours d eau et servir d abri aux bateaux qui y accédaient en utilisant les courants de marée pour l entrée et la sortie. Un seul de ces petits établissements portuaires de la côte landaise a été partiellement reconnu, celui de l antique Losa, qui se trouve aujourd hui sous les eaux du lac de Sanguinet et était installé sur l ancien lit de la Gourgue Boyrie-Fenié ,.

Ensuite, la localisation sur la Leyre du port de Lamothe- Biganos, le chef-lieu de la cité des Boiens, paraît aussi fort probable, puisque la rivière passe à m de l agglomération antique Sion , Pour la localisation des autres établissement portuaires possibles, il paraît logique de proposer des situations similaires, sur les anciens estuaires des petites rivières: Enfin, sur la côte rocheuse du Pays Basque, les abris naturels redeviennent nombreux et au moins deux ports peuvent y être situés.

Un devait assurément se trouver à Bayonne, l antique Lapurdum, agglomération importante surtout au Bas-Empire, qui s étendait sur la rive gauche de l estuaire de la Nive; il est généralement situé à l est du rempart, près de sa Porte Orientale Fabre , L autre à Guéthary, où il fallait au moins un port de pêche pour approvisionner la conserverie de poisson qui fonctionnait dès la première moitié du I er siècle ap. Tobie et Chansac C est, en effet, par l intermédiaire d une très active batellerie intérieure qu ils approvisionnaient une grande partie des régions de l Aquitaine en marchandises étrangères et recevaient de nombreux produits de la province qu ils exportaient ensuite vers tous les pays de l Atlantique.

Cette navigation intérieure était particulièrement favorisée par l excellent réseau hydrographique des bassins de la Loire et de la Garonne: C est exactement ce qu indique Strabon pour l ensemble de la Gaule Géographie, 4,1 2: Enfin, une nouvelle preuve archéologique du très grand intérêt que portaient les Gallo-Romains aux transports par eau vient d être apportée par la découverte du petit canal de Tendu Indre , qui servait à évacuer les blocs extraits d une carrière et qui étaient.

Ce canal, long d une centaine de mètres, large de 1,80 m et profond de 1 m et qui était bordé par un chemin de halage, a été creusé entre la carrière et une petite rivière, la Bouzane, affluent de la Creuse. En outre, des restes d un quai ont été mis au jour en bordure de celle-ci, à l endroit où le canal la rejoint Pichon Le réseau fluvial du bassin de la Garonne S il est impossible de présenter ici l ensemble des rivières navigables de l Aquitaine, dont la fig.

Le bassin hydrographique de la Garonne s étend sur km 2 environ. Il est constitué, en premier lieu, par le grand fleuve au débit important débit moyen annuel près d Agen: Son cours inférieur était remonté par la marée jusqu à La Réole, soit environ km, chiffre inférieur à celui de lieues, donné par l Itinéraire de Bordeaux à Jérusalem, qu il faut vraisemblablement corriger en milles.

En amont de Toulouse, on doit distinguer la Garonne du territoire des Convènes, empruntée seulement par des radeaux une partie de l année, notamment pour transporter les marbres de Saint- Béat, et la Garonne de la cité des Tolosates, qui était assurément utilisée dans l Antiquité par une active batellerie, mais surtout de l amont vers l aval, en raison de la force du courant Sillières ,. La plupart des affluents de la Garonne disposaient aussi d une batellerie active.

Sur les plus 3 En complément de cette rapide étude, on pourra consulter l excellent travail universitaire de L. Védrine, présenté en et resté inédit; un exemplaire de ce Diplôme d Études Approfondies a été déposé au Service Régional de l Archéologie d Aquitaine. Même si nous manquons presque totalement de vestiges de bateaux de rivière d époque romaine, on ne peut douter de l importance de cette navigation intérieure qui a perduré pendant toute l époque moderne jusqu au XIX e siècle avec ses grosses gabarres d une vingtaine de tonnes de port.

Les cours d eau plus modestes, comme l Aveyron, l Agout, l Isle et la Vézère, affluents du Tarn et de la Dordogne, étaient certainement aussi sillonnés de barques qui devaient être nettement plus petites.

Les embarcations et les ports de la batellerie fluviale La plupart des vestiges archéologiques concernant la navigation intérieure à l époque romaine font presque totalement défaut. Non seulement les épaves de barques de rivières sont extrêmement rares, hormis pour les pirogues, mais aussi les restes d équipements portuaires. De grandes villes, chefs-lieux de cités antiques, comme Agen, Toulouse et Saint-Bertrand-de- Comminges, sur la Garonne, Orléans et Tours, sur la Loire, étaient assurément pourvues de quai et d entrepôts, mais on n en a pas encore trouvé le moindre vestige.

Il devait aussi exister des embarcadères dans d autres villes situées sur d autres cours d eau navigables de l Aquitaine, comme à Limoges sur la Vienne, à Argenton sur la Creuse, à Cahors sur le Lot, à Périgueux sur L Isle, à Lectoure sur le Gers, à Saintes et à Angoulême sur la Charente, à Dax sur l Adour ou à Poitiers sur le Clain. On soulignera seulement le cas très intéressant de Bourges, à la fois parce que c est, à notre connaissance, la seule grande ville d Aquitaine qui ait livré quelques restes d équipement portuaire fluvial et, surtout, parce que ceux-ci prouvent qu une très modeste rivière, l Auron, qui passe au sud de la ville et sur laquelle ils se trouvent, était utilisée par la bate-.

Ces vestiges, du I er siècle ap. Ce réseau de nombreux et très divers cours d eau navigables était évidemment emprunté par une batellerie constituée d embarcations très différentes, par leur tonnage et leur tirant d eau, mais aussi par leur mode de propulsion, la voile, la rame et le halage. Très peu de barques de rivière ont été retrouvées en Aquitaine et aucune n a fait l objet d une véritable fouille, à l exception du caboteur fluvio-maritime de la Charente, déjà mentionné ci-dessus, p.

D autres découvertes furent le résultat de dragages, qui n apportèrent que quelques débris des embarcations et une partie de leur cargaison: Mentionnons aussi la barque à fond plat de Vichy, trouvée dans une gravière, qui n a pas donné lieu à une publication détaillée: Cette documentation archéologique est fort insuffisante pour apporter des informations sur le tonnage des barques de rivière de l Aquitaine.

Aussi, à ce sujet, peut-on seulement se fonder sur des comparaisons avec des embarcations d époques plus récentes. On connaît en effet parfaitement les gabarres du Tarn et de la Dordogne, ou encore, grâce aux travaux de G. Caster et de J. Bernard, les couraux des marchands bordelais et des pastelliers toulousains qui naviguaient sur la Garonne aux XV e et XVI e siècles Caster , 76; Bernard ,: La forme et les dimensions de ces embarcations étaient tout à fait comparables à celles de certaines barques fluviales gallo-romaines.

Ces couraux de Toulouse et de Bordeaux paraissent, en particulier, quasi identiques aux chalands gallo-romains de la Haine, qui mesuraient environ 19 m de long pour 2,87 de large et 0,67 de hauteur de bordé, à la barque de Bevaix, de 19,40 m sur 2,90 m et 0,80 m, ou encore à celle d Yverdon qui atteignait 22 m, pour 3,30 m et 0,90 m Izarra ,. En conséquence, nous proposons de voir dans le courau du XV e siècle une assez convenable représentation des grosses barques qui naviguaient sur la moyenne Garonne à l époque romaine.

On a déjà insisté sur le tonnage des embarcations et leur très grande supériorité par rapport à la capacité de charge des chariots, aussi bien des navires de mer que des barques de rivières. Mais il faut surtout songer au coût très nettement inférieur des transports par eau pour les marchandises de faible valeur comme le blé ou le vin, de l ordre de six à dix fois moins par la voie fluviale que par la route et de trente à quarante fois moins par la voie maritime.

Enfin, ne pas oublier la médiocrité de beaucoup de chemins. Les transports par voie de terre Toutefois les voies terrestres restaient indispensables. Aussi étaient-elles nombreuses, notamment en Aquitaine, comme le montre la carte de la fig. On n insistera pas ici sur le rôle des grandes voies romaines: Mais la route servait aussi au déplacement des personnes et à l acheminement des marchandises.

Parfois, elle était même le seul moyen de transport,. Le meilleur exemple est celui de la Voie d Aquitaine, qui reliait Narbonne à Toulouse: Ou encore, lorsque l utilisation de la voie d eau était impossible. C était le cas pour les relations entre les régions de la façade atlantique à la mauvaise saison, lorsqu il était trop dangereux de s aventurer sur l océan. Les Aquitains devaient alors emprunter des routes de direction méridienne, comme la grande voie Dax Bordeaux Saintes Poitiers Tours, qui était sans doute la plus fréquentée.

C était aussi le cas lorsque le courant des fleuves était trop fort et gênait considérablement la remontée des embarcations. Strabon Géographie, IV, 1, 14 nous l explique très clairement à propos du Rhône: C était probablement de cette façon que s effectuaient les transports dans la vallée de la Garonne entre Toulouse et Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges, car le courant du fleuve y est souvent très fort: Enfin, les cours d eau étaient aussi inutilisables lorsque leurs eaux étaient trop basses.

C était assurément le cas de nombreuses petites rivières qui ne pouvaient porter des embarcations que quelques mois de l année. Mais également celui des grands fleuves, même de la Loire et de la Garonne sur la première partie de leur cours, où, certaines années, généralement en août et septembre, les maigres sont extrêmement prononcés.

Pendant ces maigres estivaux, les communications s effectuaient nécessairement en chariot par les voies de terre. En outre, celles-ci étaient préférées aux voies d eau pour les transports rapides. Ainsi les voyageurs utilisaient fréquemment des voitures légères, comme le cisium à deux roues, tiré par trois chevaux, qu utilise par exemple le Santon Axius Paulus Ausone, Lettres, VIII, 6.

De même, la route était préférée quand le danger de naufrage devait être évité à tout prix, en particulier pour l expédition des marchandises de grande valeur, qui pouvaient, d ailleurs, supporter un coût élevé du transport: Les différents moyens de transport entre Saintes et Bordeaux. Les indications d Ausone sont particulièrement précieuses.

Surtout celles qu apporte sa Lettre, X, , par laquelle il invite son ami Axius Paulus, rétheur à Saintes, à le rejoindre dans sa maison bordelaise du Pagus Novarus, remo aut rota, c est-à-dire soit par la voie d eau de l estuaire de la Gironde, soit par la voie terrestre: Mais aussi celle de sa Lettre, XI, , dans laquelle il indique qu il expédie du vin à Saintes par une charrette tirée par deux chevaux.

En effet, plusieurs itinéraires pouvaient être empruntés entre les deux villes. L un était uniquement terrestre, celui de la grande route mentionnée par l Itinéraire d Antonin et la Table de Peutinger, dont subsistent des vestiges et à laquelle appartiennent vraisemblablement quatre milliaires CIL, XVII, , , et Le second était entièrement une voie d eau, puisqu il comportait deux tronçons fluviaux, la basse Charente et la Gironde, et le trajet maritime intermédiaire entre les deux estuaires.

Quant au troisième, il était formé d un parcours terrestre, utilisant la route entre Saintes et le port de Barzan, et d une navigation sur l estuaire de la Gironde entre Bordeaux et Barzan.

Cet exemple montre qu il existait un large éventail de moyens de transports et que ceux-ci étaient complémentaires. Les simples voyageurs pouvaient choisir en fonction de leurs préoccupations, de leurs nécessités et aussi de la saison. Ils disposaient généralement d une route impériale avec ses mansiones et ses chevaux de poste. A la belle saison, ils pouvaient aussi, comme c est le cas entre Saintes et Bordeaux, préférer le transport par voie d eau pour son agrément.

Avec le trajet Bordeaux Barzan Saintes, il illustre aussi qu un voyage s effectuait rarement en utilisant un seul moyen de transport. C est ce que montre aussi le récit d un voyage de Saint Colomban: Pour les marchands, le mode de transport dépendait surtout de la valeur des produits dont ils faisaient commerce. Certaines marchandises de grande valeur étaient assurément expédiées par la route: Les autres, de faible valeur, principalement le bois, les pierres, le blé, le vin, n étaient expédiées au loin que par la voie d eau, afin de réduire au maximum la part du coût du transport dans leur prix de vente.

Mais quand elles devaient emprunter la voie maritime, leur transport ne pouvait s effectuer qu à la belle saison: Navires et gens de mer à Bordeaux vers. Carte archéologique de la Gaule. Un aspect de la géographie des transports dans la Narbonnaise rhodanienne: Le commerce du pastel et de l épicerie à Toulouse, Toulouse. Le trésor de Garonne.

Manuel d archéologie galloromaine, II 2. Hommes et fleuves en Gaule romaine. Ships of the port of London: Le Val de Loire dans l Antiquité. La faiblesses de l attelage antique: Des bateaux et des fleuves. Recherches sur l organisation du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous l Empire romain.

Les communications entre Saintes et Bordeaux à l époque gallo-romaine, in Itinéraire de Saintes à Dougga. Les voies de communication de la cité de Toulouse, in Pailler, J.

Les voies de communication de l Hispanie méridionale. Le bassin de la Garonne: Significant, among other things, were the introduction and consumption of oil and wine. Both could not be produced here, as neither vines nor olive trees could grow in the harsh climate. Any evidence for wine and oil, therefore, means that these must have been imported from warmer areas on the continent. There are, of course, no remaining archaeological traces for the products themselves; but the distinct packaging and transport vessels are indirect proof of their existence.

The round bodied amphorae of the type Dressel 20 and related forms, for example, are generally seen as typical containers of olive oil. If the distribution of these amphorae in the western half of the Roman Empire is mapped, they are found throughout all areas of all western Provinces 1. The wide spread of these containers does enable conclusions on the eating and cooking customs in the Roman period. Attempting to recreate ancient trade routes, however, is another matter, in which they are of only marginal use.

Of more use in this respect is the study of Dressel type 30 amphorae, which were used for the transport of wine from Gaul. As early as Peacock mapped and interpreted the distribution of these vessels 2.

It is interesting to note that these amphorae are found in a thin band from the river Rhone, along the Rhine, and all the way to Britain 3. Peacock s conclusion, which remains convincing, was that wine from Gaul was imported via the Rhine area. Yet it cannot be identified for certain whether the Dressel 30 amphorae on the Rhine are evidence for a trade route, or for the consumption of wine from Gaul by the local population.

Roman Pottery in Britain, 89 ff. The Rhine and the problems of Gaulish wine in Roman Britain, in: Roman shipping and trade: Britain and the Rhine provinces.

CBA Research Report 24, 49 ff. Whichever way one tends to interpret this issue, one thing can be said for certain on the basis of these amphorae: There was trading of various goods between the continent and Britain in the Roman period. The trading to Britain of goods produced on the continent was controlled by the negotiatores Britanniciani, as is known from several inscriptions. One of them is a dedicatory inscription from Cologne, an altar dedicated to Apollo by the freedman C. On it, he calls himself a negotiator Britannicianus.

The inscriptions reads Apollini, C aius Aurelius C aii l ibertus Verus, negotiator Britannicianus, moritex, d onum d edit. L ocus d atus d ecreto d ecurionum. A second example is known from Bordeaux 5. In this case it is the tombstone of Lucius Solimarius Secundinus, a citizen of Trier: D is M anibus.

L ucio Solimario Secundino, civi Trevero, neg otiator Britan niciano. Apart from these individual finds there are an entire group of traders with Britain, which were all found in the same region: Several shrines to the goddess Nehalennia, some partly sunk in the sea, were found here.

Unfortunately only one badly preserved inscription mentioning a negotiator Britannicianus was found near Domburg. Yet a whole series of altars dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by negotiatores Britanniciani were found at a sanctuary that must have been located near the site of Colijnsplaat.

Judging from the inscriptions, the cult of Nehalennia was widely popular here around AD This indicates that Placidus came from the region of Rouen on the Seine in France. The origins of two further merchants are also known from dedicatory inscriptions to the goddess Nehalennia: In h onorem d omus d ivinae , deae Nehalenniae, G aius Gatullinius Secco, negotiator allecarius, cives Trever, pro se et suis v otum l ibens p osuit 7.

The third individual whose home is known from these inscriptions also comes from Trier: M arcus Exgingius Agricola, cives Trever, negotiator salarius C oloniae C laudiae A rae A grippinensium v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 8.

Gaius Gatullinius Secco traded in fish-sauce, but Exgingius Agricola engaged in salt trade for the city of Cologne.

In both cases it is not clear, whether they were involved in trade with Britain. In view of the findspot of the inscriptions, however, this is usually assumed. The trading area of Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, on the other hand, definitely included Britain.

He, too, dedicated an altar to the goddess Nehalennia near Colijnsplaat. The badly preserved inscription was read by Prof. Bogaers after its discovery: Deae Nehalenniae, ob merces recte conservatas M arcus Secund inius?

Silvanus, negotiator cretariu[s] Britannicianu[s], v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 9. A notable aspect of this inscription is the mentioning of the product he seems to have exported to Britain, he was a trader in pottery. There is another altar dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, presumably with the same text.

It was found with the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Domburg Interestingly, it is the only dedicatory inscription from Domburg that was put up by a merchant. None of the other inscriptions from this site mention occupations.

It would appear that merchants preferred to use the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Colijnsplaat. The inscriptions of Marcus Secundinus Silvanus therefore show that in the Roman period pottery trade with Britain was in control of a special group of merchants, the negotiatores cretarii Britannniciani. Pottery is an especially useful tool for the study of trade routes. Naturally amphorae, too, are made from clay but they served a primary function as vessels for 6 Deae Nehalenniae catalogue of the exhibition in Middelburg 78 no Ibid.

The temple of Nehalennia at Domburg, 70, no. In this case the goods that were traded were the contents, not the vessels themselves. In the case of the pottery merchants, however, the vessels themselves were the object of trade.

There are three kinds of pottery which might be traded by the negotiatores cretarii Britanniciani, because they were produced in the Gallo-Germanic area between the 2 nd and 4 th century AD and were found in Britain.

The distribution area in which moulded sigillata from Rheinzabern mainly is found consists of southern Germania Superior and the territories along the Danube. Yet some moulded sigillata from the workshops at this site are found on the lower Rhine and in Britain This is hardly surprising, as it is a direct consequence of the location of the production centre.

But some vessels were brought to areas further afield, of which the ones in the lower Rhine area and the British Isles are of particular interest. Finally the cooking ware of the Mayen ware was produced in Mayen in the Eifel region in Germany. Because of the quality of theses pots, they were traded over long distances, and are even found in Britain. All three centres of production Rheinzabern, Trier and Mayen have one thing in common: The distribution of wares from Trier and Rheinzabern shows that transport of pottery did indeed take place primarily on rivers.

While both wares are found in Britain and the lower Rhine region as well as on the middle Danube, one needs to take into account the density of finds. As we are dealing with two entirely different products, a splitting of the market between two groups of merchants cannot have been the reason for this phenomenon. If we consider the position of the two production sites, however, it becomes apparent that they are situated to the north and south respectively of a 11 MEES, A.

In modern times a clear way has been blasted through the rocks, and the course of the river has been adjusted in order for big river vessels to pass this particular stretch of river. This typical distribution pattern, caused by a natural obstruction, shows clearly that products from the Rhine Mosel area were transported to the coast by ship along rivers, before they were finally brought to Britain.

Due to their depth under water, seaworthy transport vessels could not have been the sole vessels to carry out this task. It is rather more likely that the goods were transported to the coast on lighter river vessels with less draught. Only once they reached the coast were they loaded onto larger vessels that were capable of making the Channel crossing. These are vessels with a flat bottom with much defined edges.

This almost rectangular form ensured that they did not sink too deep into the water. As both ends of the vessel rose upwards slightly, it was possible to run the ship up a bank to some extent a feature that would have eased loading and unloading considerably.

Whenever some cargo was found with the remains of these vessels, it consisted of either grain or building materials. Both types are goods that need not have been transported from the continent to the British Isles, as they were available in abundance there.

In the context of this information the cargoes make perfect sense. Grain was used for the supply of the soldiers, building materials especially stone and tile were essential for the building of forts. Yet there is no straightforward and secure evidence that these vessels may have been used for civilian purposes. Model of the wreck Zwammerdam 2 as an example of a Prahm This means that, for any study of civilian shipping on rivers we have to rely solely on Roman ship representations.

In any study of Roman ship iconography in a civilian context, completely new types of ship appear. At the same time a large range of ship types emerges His tombstone, now in the Landesmuseum Mainz, was found at Mainz- Weisenau and shows Blussus and his family on the front.

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It will always be useful to read articles from other writers and use a little something from their sites. I like looking through an article that can make men and women think. Ne abbiamo la controprova in un fatto: Bisogna considerare in primo luogo che le anfore olearie come, in sostanza, tutte le anfore sono primariamente destinate al trasporto marittimo; non si tratta di contenitori che possano compiere lunghi percorsi lungo le strade antiche in condizioni di sicurezza: Per non parlare del fatto che il prodotto contenuto era estremamente prezioso per l amministrazione romana.

Si è sempre pensato, ed è stato più volte scritto, che la penetrazione di queste anfore verso la frontiera del Reno sia avvenuta per via fluviale attraverso il Rodano, fino a un punto di connessione con il Mosella, con successiva discesa verso Confluentia Koblenz.

Ed è vero che non solo il Rodano, ma anche i suoi affluenti abbiano servito alla distribuzione di contingenti oleari verso l interno, come attesta la presenza di dediche ai naviculari olearii ex Baetica fino a Ginevra Ad ogni buon conto, tutto il traffico che dalla Foce del Rodano poteva venire convogliato verso l interno doveva formar parte della mercatura privata e non aver relazione alcuna con un contesto di forniture per gli avamposti militari della frontiera, che, sebbene sempre dipendenti dalle flotte e navigli privati convenzionati con l annona, dovevano fare la rotta marittima fino alla foce del Reno, ove poteva effettuarsi il trasbordo a mezzo fluviale che doveva trainarlo, e dove non era necessario che le navi con destino alla Britannia scaricassero, ma potevano, al massimo, effettuare uno scalo tecnico fig.

Negli avamposti militari di queste frontiere incontriamo non di rado le anfore Dr. Roma, 94 e ss. L anfora è il contenitore da trasporto specificamente marittimo per liquidi e semiliquidi. Nessun anfora era stata pensata, in principio, per il trasporto terrestre: I liquidi destinati alla diffusione via terra avevano a disposizione altri contenitori, come gli utres, i cullei, le cupae, ecc. Ambiente, storia, materiali, Roma, , cit. Tuttavia esistono alcune formule ancora difficili da decifrare che sostituiscono o modificano le precedenti e che potrebbero rappresentare specificamente i titoli delle anfore olearie destinate ad alcuni avamposti militari.

Il fatto che qualche volta, queste titolature tarde si trovino a Roma, sul Monte Testaccio 18, sembrerebbe esautorare questa ipotesi. Si tratta di iscrizioni del gruppo Fisci Rationis, databili a partire del d. È questa una piccola parcella dell epigrafia anforaria ancora tutta da studiare gli esemplari noti non sono molti in cerca di conferma o di smentita alla nostra ipotesi.

Punto sostanzialmente fermo nella cronologia: Naturalmente, rimane il fatto che l Atlantico non ha ancora restituito materiali archeologici che confermino l uso di questa rotta atlantica. Ma ove si pensi che perfino nei relitti moderni nelle coste atlantiche ben raramente si osservano tracce, per via dei fondali ben più profondi di quelli delle coste mediterranee, l assenza di reperti navali antichi non costituisce se non un molto labile motivo di meraviglia.

La specula Britanniae di Brigantium nel passo orosiano Nel corso della sua descrizione della Spagna Adv. Dressel sul monte Testaccio, formano un importante serie delle sue scoperte riunite nel CIL.

Torre de Hércules, La Coruña. Hispaniae Circium intendit, ubi Brigantia Galleciae civitas sita altissimam Pharum et inter pauca memorandi operis ad speculam Britanniae erigit. Tralasciamo per ora il tipo di costruzione sintattica evidenziato, sembra, dai codici, che i filologi attribuiscono semplicemente al contorto stile del latino basso e di Orosio in particolare; ci occuperemo prima del significato del paragrafo.

Cosa significa ad speculam Britanniae? La cosa si spiega tenendo conto del punto di stima o centro della rosa dei venti, che per lo Schiron è il porto di Delo centro dei traffici commerciali orientali sin dal a. E allora è chiaro che è da intendere ad speculam itineris maritimi in Britanniam, in quanto il Capo Finisterre è l estremità del lungo tratto di costa rettilinea occidentale, e da quel punto il cabotaggio deve prendere una seconda dirittura settentrionale in direzione dell Aquitania.

La recente scoperta di quest ultimo non è che il corollario di una serie di punti ormai fermi su un periplo atlantico verso il nord romano a cui fino ad oggi nessuno sembrava credere veramente.

Attualmente, tutto il suo rivestimento esterno è moderno, mentre le vedute del , non essendo molte né di qualità, ci permettono solamente dire che aveva probabilmente una rampa esterna in legno appoggiata su mensole, la cui risega ad incasso appare nei disegni dell epoca Trattandosi di un monumento collocato all estremità più occidentale del mondo antico, con il quale è stata sempre collegata la leggenda di Ercole, appare suggestivo il fatto che l edificio ostenti anche senza documentazione storica che lo colleghi all antico il nome del Tirintio.

Vi leggiamo, infatti altissimam pharum et inter pauca memorandi operis erigit. Per quale ragione non si specifica? Se di sciovinismo patriottardo di Orosio si trattasse, come generalmente si annota, Orosio, come in altre occasioni, avrebbe dovuto specificarlo, allargandosi nelle lodi. Ma nel testo è ben difficile cogliere questo spirito laudatorio oltre il termine altissima certamente riferito all edificio e memorandum opus, due parole che con essa ben difficilmente possono avere relazione, poiché separate da uno strano nesso et che il testo non solo non richiede, ma rifiuta.

Questa congiuntiva certamente si collega a pharus, ma per la sua condizione di copulativa, deve riguardare tutto un altro sostantivo, non un vero e proprio circumloquio aggettivale inter pauca ecc. Rimane forte il sospetto che una corruttela testuale dei primi codici abbia storpiato in inter pauca la parola interpanna cioè, un sistema di grandi pannelli figurati a rilievo, fra lesene di separazione.

In tal caso, l et risulta perfettamente comprensibile: La Torre de Hércules. El Faro Romano de La Coruña. Cet exemple d un commerce, qui a laissé une masse de plus en plus volumineuse de témoins et qui est aujourd hui bien connu 1, atteste l importance primordiale de la voie d eau dans les relations économiques des provinces occidentales de l Empire et dans l essor de celles-ci, dès la première moitié du I er siècle ap.

Toutefois, ces transports par bateaux, même s ils étaient possibles sur un très grand nombre de fleuves et sur toutes les mers occidentales, ne pouvaient suffire.

Pour le déplacement des personnes, pour le transport des produits de grande valeur, pour les relations avec les régions dépourvues de cours d eau navigable, enfin pour les périodes pendant lesquelles les voies d eau étaient impraticables, le chemin et la route sont toujours restés indispensables. Aussi le tableau de ces différents moyens de transport avec, successivement, une étude de chacun d eux, ne doit pas masquer leur complémentarité.

Celle-ci apparaît très clairement à travers un certain nombre d exemples, que nous prenons surtout dans la province d Aquitaine. Pourtant, sans parler des relations bien attestées entre l île de Bretagne et la Gaule et la péninsule Ibérique dès l âge du Bronze et pendant toute la Protohistoire 2, les témoignages sont nombreux d un important commerce maritime pendant toute l époque romaine et l Antiquité tardive.

Quelques documents littéraires et épigraphiques On dispose, à ce propos, d un certain nombre de textes d auteurs anciens qui sont parfaitement explicites. Il suffira d en citer trois, qui sont les plus clairs parmi ceux qu a rassemblés M. Strabon, Géographie, IV, 5, 2: Voilà l attestation la plus nette et la plus précise des navigations atlantiques au I er siècle ap. La relative pauvreté des vestiges archéologiques recueillis jusqu à ce jour, notamment des épaves comme on le verra plus loin, n autorise aucunement à la mettre en doute.

La même information est donnée pour le IV e siècle par Martianus Capella. Les plus intéressants ont été découverts à Bordeaux et concernent des étrangers, originaires de pays riverains des mers occidentales. Deux de ceux-ci, Solimarius et Lunaris, ont laissé des témoignages qui illustrent exactement à notre propos.

Ce personnage avait donc des activités commerciales dans au moins trois régions riveraines de la Mer Extérieure. Aussi devait-il, très probablement, transporter ses marchandises par voie maritime, le long des côtes de l Atlantique, de la Manche et de la Mer du Nord. L analyse pétrographique du monument ayant montré qu il a été taillé dans du grés rose provenant d York, on peut penser que le bloc avait été apporté à cette fin.

Assurément, le voyage que redoutait cet important commerçant et pour lequel il avait imploré la protection divine, pour lui-même et sans doute ses marchandises, était la traversée entre York et Bordeaux.

L océan Atlantique et ses dangers Si on a si longtemps douté de l importance de ces navigations atlantiques, c est évidemment en raison des périls que devaient affronter les marins de ces contrées et qui effrayaient les Méditerranéens, nos principaux informateurs. On ne songeait pas que les marins de ces contrées occidentales prenaient un certain nombre de précautions afin d affronter ces risques et de les réduire.

En effet, les conditions climatiques de l Atlantique sont très différentes de celles de la Méditerranée. Les tempêtes y sont généralement beaucoup plus violentes, en particulier dans le Golfe de Gascogne. Surtout, celles-ci peuvent se déclencher à toute époque de l année, même en plein milieu de l été. Sans doute, habituellement, l anticyclone des Açores progresse vers le Nord à partir du mois de mai et assure alors un temps relativement calme. Mais cette situation n est pas stable: C est ce danger des tempêtes estivales qui constitue la principale différence entre les conditions de navigation en Méditerranée et sur l Atlantique.

Face à ces périls, qu ils affrontaient depuis longtemps et qu ils avaient appris à bien connaître, les marins de l Atlantique et des mers septentrionales avaient assurément adopté un certain nombre de mesures de prudence, qui leur permettaient de naviguer sur toutes leurs eaux.

La plupart de ces précautions visaient à diminuer le principal danger, celui de la tempête subite: Les solutions étaient simples: En conséquence, un capitaine prudent restait à faible distance des côtes.

Il s en écartait seulement un peu pour éviter les pièges des rochers et des bancs de sable. La navigation atlantique était donc un cabotage, même si on ne peut exclure quelques traversées hauturières, en profitant de quelques journées de grand calme. Les côtes atlantiques devaient aussi être pourvues d un grand nombre de ports.

Une répartition régulière, de l ordre d un havre tous les dix à quinze kilomètres, était sans doute souhaitable. La plupart des rivages atlantiques, généralement assez découpés, le permettaient, à l exception, pensera-ton, du littoral landais, en ne considérant que sa configuration actuelle: Enfin, il était plus sûr de ne naviguer que de jour, afin de mieux observer le ciel et de prévoir, le plus tôt possible, les changements de temps.

Aussi, à la différence des navigations estivales en Méditerranée, qui étaient communément nycthémérales, c est-à-dire qui s effectuaient en traversée directe sans escale nocturne, il est très probable que les marins de l Atlantique relâchaient tous les soirs dans un port. Certes, cette mesure de prudence allongeait la durée des voyages, mais dans des proportions encore convenables, puisque, en été, les journées sont d une quinzaine d heures. Et ceci pour trois raisons: Les navires Les bateaux, qui naviguaient sur l Atlantique, la Manche et la Mer du Nord à l époque romaine, sont encore très mal connus, en raison de la pauvreté de la documentation littéraire ou iconographique, aggravée par la grande rareté des épaves reconnues et fouillées à ce jour.

Bien qu il ait été maintes fois commenté, le passage de César sur les navires des Vénètes César, La Guerre des Gaules, III, , ne peut assurément être passé sous silence, car il atteste l inventivité des populations littorales pour faire face aux particularités du milieu océanique: On peut penser que ces spécificités des embarcations vénètes, qui, comme le montre très clairement le général romain, répondaient aux conditions de navigation sur l océan et dans les estuaires, furent conservées sur de nombreux navires de l époque romaine.

C est ce que paraissent indiquer quelques rares découvertes archéologiques. L embarcation, découverte dans la basse Charente, en aval de Saintes, devait avoir une capacité de charge d une dizaine de tonnes, avec une longueur d une quinzaine de m et une largeur de 4,80 m, était dotée d un pont à l avant et à l arrière, d une étrave et d un étambot: Sans doute cette embarcation est-elle datée du Haut Moyen Âge, mais plusieurs épaves de la Tamise, celles du II e siècle notamment Mardsen et , sont du même genre, ou encore le bateau de Bruges, daté également du II e siècle Mardsen Les autres embarcations, plus ou moins sûrement reconnues en Aquitaine, ont été trouvées par hasard et généralement détruites dès ce moment-là, comme le navire de Cadaujac, qui sombra en et dont on n a été recueilli que les monnaies et quelques morceaux de bois Étienne et Rachet Leur tonnage La capacité de transport de ces bateaux de l Atlantique était assurément inférieure à celle des gros bâtiments de la Méditerranée, de ces myriophoroi qui pouvaient atteindre t de port en lourd Pomey et Tchernia et dont l épave de Giens est un bon exemplaire, avec ses 40 m de long, 9 m de large et sa cale de 4,50 m de hauteur.

Ceux que l on a pu examiner récemment, en particulier les épaves de la Tamise et de Port-Bertaud 2, étaient nettement plus petits et de plus faible tirant d eau, en raison de la pratique généralisée de la navigation à la fois en mer et dans les estuaires. Mais leur tonnage était de l ordre de plusieurs dizaines de tonneaux, avec un port en lourd de 10 à 50 tonnes selon les cas. La capacité de transport de ces embarcations était donc très supérieure à celle des chariots, même si on considère que ceux-ci portaient des charges souvent supérieures aux livres indiquées dans l Édit du Maximum Raepsaet , , Molin et qui pouvaient vraisemblablement atteindre la tonne pour les grosses charrettes tirées par des boeufs.

Leur vitesse Le bateau était aussi bien plus rapide que le chariot de transport de marchandises. Les informations précises manquent pour les navigations antiques dans l Atlantique. César traversa la Manche avec son armée en environ 6 heures.

Il est aussi rapporté qu un navire chargé de blé aurait fait le voyage entre l Egypte et l Angleterre en 20 jours Léonce de Naples, Vie de Saint Jean l Aumônier, d après Rougé , , durée tellement courte qu elle doit correspondre à un impressionnant record, puisque c est le temps que. Indiquons plutôt quelques exemples parfaitement sûrs, pris dans la longue série établie par J.

Bernard pour la fin du Moyen Âge et le début de l Époque Moderne: Rappelons enfin, grâce à un passage bien connu d Ausone Lettres, V, , le grand intérêt de l utilisation de la marée dans les estuaires, aussi bien du flux que du reflux: Cette possibilité d utiliser le flot de la marée est la particularité et le très grand avantage qu offre le littoral atlantique, grâce à ses estuaires et à ses rias.

Par ces véritables couloirs maritimes, abrités des tempêtes de l océan, les navires de mer, portés par la marée, pouvaient s avancer rapidement et parfois très loin à l intérieur des terres. L Aquitaine, par exemple, disposait de trois grands estuaires, celui de la Gironde et de la Garonne, long de km, de la Loire, d environ 60 km et celui de la Charente de 50 km.

Les rias des Asturies, de la Galice et de l Armorique sont en général plus courtes, mais leur profondeur est souvent supérieure. Les ports de l Atlantique L Aquitaine disposait d un assez grand nombre de ports de mer, répartis assez régulièrement sur toute sa façade atlantique: Ces quatre ports principaux de l Aquitaine se sont tous développés à l extrémité de ces longs estuaires, que pouvaient atteindre les bateaux de mer et où commençait la navigation fluviale.

Sur la Loire, se trouvaient, face à face, Nantes et Rézé. Provost , 29 et. Rézé, le Ratiaton de Ptolémée, était le Port des Pictons, une vaste agglomération qui a connu un essor rapide à partir de l époque augustéenne: Provost , 29 et Sur la Gironde, se trouvaient Barzan et Bordeaux.

Barzan, très vaste vicus installé sur la rive gauche de l estuaire, était probablement le Portus Santonum. Relié à Saintes par une bonne route, il assurait un important trafic entre le chef-lieu de la cité des Santons et Bordeaux et vers tout le bassin de la Garonne. Si le port n a pas encore été localisé avec certitude, de grands entrepôts ont été reconnus en prospection aérienne et leur fouille vient de commencer. Burdigala était la première cité marchande du Golfe de Gascogne.

Son rayonnement commercial, conféré par une exceptionnelle situation géographique, est attesté par une abondante documentation littéraire, épigraphique et archéologique. Son port est encore mal connu. Pendant très longtemps il n a été question que de celui du Bas-Empire, situé au centre du castrum et que décrivent avec précision Ausone Lettres, XIII, et Paulin de Pella Poèmes d action de grâce, Aujourd hui, grâce aux fouilles récentes, on commence à se rendre compte que celui du Haut-Empire était plus vaste: A côté de ces grands ports, existaient, tout le long de la côte d Aquitaine, de nombreux autres établissements portuaires, plus ou moins bien équipés et plus.

Les différents moyens de transport de l Aquitaine gallo-romaine. A leur propos, nous manquons presque toujours de données précises, car ils n ont pas fait l objet de véritables recherches.

Aussi notre liste est-elle probablement incomplète et, pour ceux que nous mentionnons, les informations sont à la fois incertaines et lacunaires. Sur le territoire de la cité des Pictons, sont localisés les sites portuaires de Prigny aux Moutiers Provost , , de Nallier Provost et al.

Saintes, capitale de l Aquitaine sous le Haut- Empire, avait assurément un port actif, même si on n en a encore jamais rencontré de vestiges Maurin , La Charente est, en effet, remontée par la marée jusqu aux abords de la ville et d assez gros bateaux, comme le caboteur de Port-Berteau II présenté plus haut p.

Les deux rives du fleuve, en aval et en amont du grand pont de la voie de Lyon, devaient être plus ou moins bien aménagées, soit simplement renforcées par des palissades de pieux, soit dotées de véritables quais. Au sud de la Charente, l estuaire de la Seudre offrait un excellent abri naturel et devait assurément disposer de mouillages équipés d embarcadères. Ensuite, outre les grands ports de Barzan et de Bordeaux, l ensemble du très long estuaire de la Gironde, de la Garonne inférieure et de la basse Dordogne disposait de nombreux établissements portuaires, qui sont également mal connus, par manque de recherches archéologiques, bien que plusieurs soient mentionnés par des sources littéraires assez précises.

De l océan vers l intérieur, on peut citer successivement Dumnotonum, la villa de Théon, l ami d Ausone, qui se trouvait à proximité de la Pointe de Grave et devait posséder un embarcadère. Puis, sur la même rive de l estuaire, mais un peu à l écart de celle-ci, l agglomération de Brion, à Saint-Germain-d Esteuil, probablement le Noviomagus de Ptolémée qui occupait une dizaine d hectares et dont une partie des édifices a été exhumée, mais pas le port qui se trouve vraisemblablement un peu au nord, peut-être au bord d un.

Plus loin, sur le plateau de Blaye, se dressait Blavia Landais , avec son port en contrebas où, en venant de Saintes par la grande route, on s embarquait pour gagner commodément Bordeaux Ausone, Lettres, X, ; une garnison des milites Garronensium, préposés à la défense du littoral Notice de Dignités, XXVII y était stationnée à la fin du IV e siècle.

Au-delà de Bordeaux, se trouvaient encore plusieurs autres ports qui profitaient aussi de la marée et que mentionnent des sources anciennes, en particulier Condate sur la Dordogne, identifié avec Condat, faubourg de Libourne Ausone, Lettres, V, 32 et Alingo, l actuelle Langon Sidoine Apollinaire, Lettres, VIII, Au sud de la Gironde, la côte rectiligne du Médoc et des Landes est aujourd hui peu propice à l installation d établissements portuaires, à l exception du Bassin d Arcachon.

Mais il n en était sans doute pas ainsi à l époque romaine puisque les géographes considèrent que le cordon de dunes n était pas encore entièrement constitué sur l ensemble du littoral: Aussi de petits ports ou de simples mouillages pouvaient se trouver non loin de l embouchure de ces petits cours d eau et servir d abri aux bateaux qui y accédaient en utilisant les courants de marée pour l entrée et la sortie.

Un seul de ces petits établissements portuaires de la côte landaise a été partiellement reconnu, celui de l antique Losa, qui se trouve aujourd hui sous les eaux du lac de Sanguinet et était installé sur l ancien lit de la Gourgue Boyrie-Fenié ,.

Ensuite, la localisation sur la Leyre du port de Lamothe- Biganos, le chef-lieu de la cité des Boiens, paraît aussi fort probable, puisque la rivière passe à m de l agglomération antique Sion , Pour la localisation des autres établissement portuaires possibles, il paraît logique de proposer des situations similaires, sur les anciens estuaires des petites rivières: Enfin, sur la côte rocheuse du Pays Basque, les abris naturels redeviennent nombreux et au moins deux ports peuvent y être situés.

Un devait assurément se trouver à Bayonne, l antique Lapurdum, agglomération importante surtout au Bas-Empire, qui s étendait sur la rive gauche de l estuaire de la Nive; il est généralement situé à l est du rempart, près de sa Porte Orientale Fabre , L autre à Guéthary, où il fallait au moins un port de pêche pour approvisionner la conserverie de poisson qui fonctionnait dès la première moitié du I er siècle ap.

Tobie et Chansac C est, en effet, par l intermédiaire d une très active batellerie intérieure qu ils approvisionnaient une grande partie des régions de l Aquitaine en marchandises étrangères et recevaient de nombreux produits de la province qu ils exportaient ensuite vers tous les pays de l Atlantique. Cette navigation intérieure était particulièrement favorisée par l excellent réseau hydrographique des bassins de la Loire et de la Garonne: C est exactement ce qu indique Strabon pour l ensemble de la Gaule Géographie, 4,1 2: Enfin, une nouvelle preuve archéologique du très grand intérêt que portaient les Gallo-Romains aux transports par eau vient d être apportée par la découverte du petit canal de Tendu Indre , qui servait à évacuer les blocs extraits d une carrière et qui étaient.

Ce canal, long d une centaine de mètres, large de 1,80 m et profond de 1 m et qui était bordé par un chemin de halage, a été creusé entre la carrière et une petite rivière, la Bouzane, affluent de la Creuse. En outre, des restes d un quai ont été mis au jour en bordure de celle-ci, à l endroit où le canal la rejoint Pichon Le réseau fluvial du bassin de la Garonne S il est impossible de présenter ici l ensemble des rivières navigables de l Aquitaine, dont la fig.

Le bassin hydrographique de la Garonne s étend sur km 2 environ. Il est constitué, en premier lieu, par le grand fleuve au débit important débit moyen annuel près d Agen: Son cours inférieur était remonté par la marée jusqu à La Réole, soit environ km, chiffre inférieur à celui de lieues, donné par l Itinéraire de Bordeaux à Jérusalem, qu il faut vraisemblablement corriger en milles.

En amont de Toulouse, on doit distinguer la Garonne du territoire des Convènes, empruntée seulement par des radeaux une partie de l année, notamment pour transporter les marbres de Saint- Béat, et la Garonne de la cité des Tolosates, qui était assurément utilisée dans l Antiquité par une active batellerie, mais surtout de l amont vers l aval, en raison de la force du courant Sillières ,.

La plupart des affluents de la Garonne disposaient aussi d une batellerie active. Sur les plus 3 En complément de cette rapide étude, on pourra consulter l excellent travail universitaire de L.

Védrine, présenté en et resté inédit; un exemplaire de ce Diplôme d Études Approfondies a été déposé au Service Régional de l Archéologie d Aquitaine. Même si nous manquons presque totalement de vestiges de bateaux de rivière d époque romaine, on ne peut douter de l importance de cette navigation intérieure qui a perduré pendant toute l époque moderne jusqu au XIX e siècle avec ses grosses gabarres d une vingtaine de tonnes de port.

Les cours d eau plus modestes, comme l Aveyron, l Agout, l Isle et la Vézère, affluents du Tarn et de la Dordogne, étaient certainement aussi sillonnés de barques qui devaient être nettement plus petites.

Les embarcations et les ports de la batellerie fluviale La plupart des vestiges archéologiques concernant la navigation intérieure à l époque romaine font presque totalement défaut. Non seulement les épaves de barques de rivières sont extrêmement rares, hormis pour les pirogues, mais aussi les restes d équipements portuaires.

De grandes villes, chefs-lieux de cités antiques, comme Agen, Toulouse et Saint-Bertrand-de- Comminges, sur la Garonne, Orléans et Tours, sur la Loire, étaient assurément pourvues de quai et d entrepôts, mais on n en a pas encore trouvé le moindre vestige. Il devait aussi exister des embarcadères dans d autres villes situées sur d autres cours d eau navigables de l Aquitaine, comme à Limoges sur la Vienne, à Argenton sur la Creuse, à Cahors sur le Lot, à Périgueux sur L Isle, à Lectoure sur le Gers, à Saintes et à Angoulême sur la Charente, à Dax sur l Adour ou à Poitiers sur le Clain.

On soulignera seulement le cas très intéressant de Bourges, à la fois parce que c est, à notre connaissance, la seule grande ville d Aquitaine qui ait livré quelques restes d équipement portuaire fluvial et, surtout, parce que ceux-ci prouvent qu une très modeste rivière, l Auron, qui passe au sud de la ville et sur laquelle ils se trouvent, était utilisée par la bate-. Ces vestiges, du I er siècle ap. Ce réseau de nombreux et très divers cours d eau navigables était évidemment emprunté par une batellerie constituée d embarcations très différentes, par leur tonnage et leur tirant d eau, mais aussi par leur mode de propulsion, la voile, la rame et le halage.

Très peu de barques de rivière ont été retrouvées en Aquitaine et aucune n a fait l objet d une véritable fouille, à l exception du caboteur fluvio-maritime de la Charente, déjà mentionné ci-dessus, p. D autres découvertes furent le résultat de dragages, qui n apportèrent que quelques débris des embarcations et une partie de leur cargaison: Mentionnons aussi la barque à fond plat de Vichy, trouvée dans une gravière, qui n a pas donné lieu à une publication détaillée: Cette documentation archéologique est fort insuffisante pour apporter des informations sur le tonnage des barques de rivière de l Aquitaine.

Aussi, à ce sujet, peut-on seulement se fonder sur des comparaisons avec des embarcations d époques plus récentes. On connaît en effet parfaitement les gabarres du Tarn et de la Dordogne, ou encore, grâce aux travaux de G.

Caster et de J. Bernard, les couraux des marchands bordelais et des pastelliers toulousains qui naviguaient sur la Garonne aux XV e et XVI e siècles Caster , 76; Bernard ,: La forme et les dimensions de ces embarcations étaient tout à fait comparables à celles de certaines barques fluviales gallo-romaines. Ces couraux de Toulouse et de Bordeaux paraissent, en particulier, quasi identiques aux chalands gallo-romains de la Haine, qui mesuraient environ 19 m de long pour 2,87 de large et 0,67 de hauteur de bordé, à la barque de Bevaix, de 19,40 m sur 2,90 m et 0,80 m, ou encore à celle d Yverdon qui atteignait 22 m, pour 3,30 m et 0,90 m Izarra ,.

En conséquence, nous proposons de voir dans le courau du XV e siècle une assez convenable représentation des grosses barques qui naviguaient sur la moyenne Garonne à l époque romaine. On a déjà insisté sur le tonnage des embarcations et leur très grande supériorité par rapport à la capacité de charge des chariots, aussi bien des navires de mer que des barques de rivières. Mais il faut surtout songer au coût très nettement inférieur des transports par eau pour les marchandises de faible valeur comme le blé ou le vin, de l ordre de six à dix fois moins par la voie fluviale que par la route et de trente à quarante fois moins par la voie maritime.

Enfin, ne pas oublier la médiocrité de beaucoup de chemins. Les transports par voie de terre Toutefois les voies terrestres restaient indispensables. Aussi étaient-elles nombreuses, notamment en Aquitaine, comme le montre la carte de la fig.

On n insistera pas ici sur le rôle des grandes voies romaines: Mais la route servait aussi au déplacement des personnes et à l acheminement des marchandises. Parfois, elle était même le seul moyen de transport,. Le meilleur exemple est celui de la Voie d Aquitaine, qui reliait Narbonne à Toulouse: Ou encore, lorsque l utilisation de la voie d eau était impossible. C était le cas pour les relations entre les régions de la façade atlantique à la mauvaise saison, lorsqu il était trop dangereux de s aventurer sur l océan.

Les Aquitains devaient alors emprunter des routes de direction méridienne, comme la grande voie Dax Bordeaux Saintes Poitiers Tours, qui était sans doute la plus fréquentée.

C était aussi le cas lorsque le courant des fleuves était trop fort et gênait considérablement la remontée des embarcations. Strabon Géographie, IV, 1, 14 nous l explique très clairement à propos du Rhône: C était probablement de cette façon que s effectuaient les transports dans la vallée de la Garonne entre Toulouse et Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges, car le courant du fleuve y est souvent très fort: Enfin, les cours d eau étaient aussi inutilisables lorsque leurs eaux étaient trop basses.

C était assurément le cas de nombreuses petites rivières qui ne pouvaient porter des embarcations que quelques mois de l année. Mais également celui des grands fleuves, même de la Loire et de la Garonne sur la première partie de leur cours, où, certaines années, généralement en août et septembre, les maigres sont extrêmement prononcés.

Pendant ces maigres estivaux, les communications s effectuaient nécessairement en chariot par les voies de terre. En outre, celles-ci étaient préférées aux voies d eau pour les transports rapides. Ainsi les voyageurs utilisaient fréquemment des voitures légères, comme le cisium à deux roues, tiré par trois chevaux, qu utilise par exemple le Santon Axius Paulus Ausone, Lettres, VIII, 6.

De même, la route était préférée quand le danger de naufrage devait être évité à tout prix, en particulier pour l expédition des marchandises de grande valeur, qui pouvaient, d ailleurs, supporter un coût élevé du transport: Les différents moyens de transport entre Saintes et Bordeaux. Les indications d Ausone sont particulièrement précieuses. Surtout celles qu apporte sa Lettre, X, , par laquelle il invite son ami Axius Paulus, rétheur à Saintes, à le rejoindre dans sa maison bordelaise du Pagus Novarus, remo aut rota, c est-à-dire soit par la voie d eau de l estuaire de la Gironde, soit par la voie terrestre: Mais aussi celle de sa Lettre, XI, , dans laquelle il indique qu il expédie du vin à Saintes par une charrette tirée par deux chevaux.

En effet, plusieurs itinéraires pouvaient être empruntés entre les deux villes. L un était uniquement terrestre, celui de la grande route mentionnée par l Itinéraire d Antonin et la Table de Peutinger, dont subsistent des vestiges et à laquelle appartiennent vraisemblablement quatre milliaires CIL, XVII, , , et Le second était entièrement une voie d eau, puisqu il comportait deux tronçons fluviaux, la basse Charente et la Gironde, et le trajet maritime intermédiaire entre les deux estuaires.

Quant au troisième, il était formé d un parcours terrestre, utilisant la route entre Saintes et le port de Barzan, et d une navigation sur l estuaire de la Gironde entre Bordeaux et Barzan.

Cet exemple montre qu il existait un large éventail de moyens de transports et que ceux-ci étaient complémentaires. Les simples voyageurs pouvaient choisir en fonction de leurs préoccupations, de leurs nécessités et aussi de la saison. Ils disposaient généralement d une route impériale avec ses mansiones et ses chevaux de poste.

A la belle saison, ils pouvaient aussi, comme c est le cas entre Saintes et Bordeaux, préférer le transport par voie d eau pour son agrément. Avec le trajet Bordeaux Barzan Saintes, il illustre aussi qu un voyage s effectuait rarement en utilisant un seul moyen de transport. C est ce que montre aussi le récit d un voyage de Saint Colomban: Pour les marchands, le mode de transport dépendait surtout de la valeur des produits dont ils faisaient commerce.

Certaines marchandises de grande valeur étaient assurément expédiées par la route: Les autres, de faible valeur, principalement le bois, les pierres, le blé, le vin, n étaient expédiées au loin que par la voie d eau, afin de réduire au maximum la part du coût du transport dans leur prix de vente. Mais quand elles devaient emprunter la voie maritime, leur transport ne pouvait s effectuer qu à la belle saison: Navires et gens de mer à Bordeaux vers.

Carte archéologique de la Gaule. Un aspect de la géographie des transports dans la Narbonnaise rhodanienne: Le commerce du pastel et de l épicerie à Toulouse, Toulouse. Le trésor de Garonne. Manuel d archéologie galloromaine, II 2. Hommes et fleuves en Gaule romaine. Ships of the port of London: Le Val de Loire dans l Antiquité. La faiblesses de l attelage antique: Des bateaux et des fleuves. Recherches sur l organisation du commerce maritime en Méditerranée sous l Empire romain.

Les communications entre Saintes et Bordeaux à l époque gallo-romaine, in Itinéraire de Saintes à Dougga. Les voies de communication de la cité de Toulouse, in Pailler, J. Les voies de communication de l Hispanie méridionale. Le bassin de la Garonne: Significant, among other things, were the introduction and consumption of oil and wine.

Both could not be produced here, as neither vines nor olive trees could grow in the harsh climate. Any evidence for wine and oil, therefore, means that these must have been imported from warmer areas on the continent.

There are, of course, no remaining archaeological traces for the products themselves; but the distinct packaging and transport vessels are indirect proof of their existence. The round bodied amphorae of the type Dressel 20 and related forms, for example, are generally seen as typical containers of olive oil.

If the distribution of these amphorae in the western half of the Roman Empire is mapped, they are found throughout all areas of all western Provinces 1. The wide spread of these containers does enable conclusions on the eating and cooking customs in the Roman period.

Attempting to recreate ancient trade routes, however, is another matter, in which they are of only marginal use. Of more use in this respect is the study of Dressel type 30 amphorae, which were used for the transport of wine from Gaul. As early as Peacock mapped and interpreted the distribution of these vessels 2. It is interesting to note that these amphorae are found in a thin band from the river Rhone, along the Rhine, and all the way to Britain 3. Peacock s conclusion, which remains convincing, was that wine from Gaul was imported via the Rhine area.

Yet it cannot be identified for certain whether the Dressel 30 amphorae on the Rhine are evidence for a trade route, or for the consumption of wine from Gaul by the local population.

Roman Pottery in Britain, 89 ff. The Rhine and the problems of Gaulish wine in Roman Britain, in: Roman shipping and trade: Britain and the Rhine provinces. CBA Research Report 24, 49 ff. Whichever way one tends to interpret this issue, one thing can be said for certain on the basis of these amphorae: There was trading of various goods between the continent and Britain in the Roman period. The trading to Britain of goods produced on the continent was controlled by the negotiatores Britanniciani, as is known from several inscriptions.

One of them is a dedicatory inscription from Cologne, an altar dedicated to Apollo by the freedman C. On it, he calls himself a negotiator Britannicianus.

The inscriptions reads Apollini, C aius Aurelius C aii l ibertus Verus, negotiator Britannicianus, moritex, d onum d edit. L ocus d atus d ecreto d ecurionum. A second example is known from Bordeaux 5.

In this case it is the tombstone of Lucius Solimarius Secundinus, a citizen of Trier: D is M anibus. L ucio Solimario Secundino, civi Trevero, neg otiator Britan niciano. Apart from these individual finds there are an entire group of traders with Britain, which were all found in the same region: Several shrines to the goddess Nehalennia, some partly sunk in the sea, were found here. Unfortunately only one badly preserved inscription mentioning a negotiator Britannicianus was found near Domburg.

Yet a whole series of altars dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by negotiatores Britanniciani were found at a sanctuary that must have been located near the site of Colijnsplaat. Judging from the inscriptions, the cult of Nehalennia was widely popular here around AD This indicates that Placidus came from the region of Rouen on the Seine in France. The origins of two further merchants are also known from dedicatory inscriptions to the goddess Nehalennia: In h onorem d omus d ivinae , deae Nehalenniae, G aius Gatullinius Secco, negotiator allecarius, cives Trever, pro se et suis v otum l ibens p osuit 7.

The third individual whose home is known from these inscriptions also comes from Trier: M arcus Exgingius Agricola, cives Trever, negotiator salarius C oloniae C laudiae A rae A grippinensium v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 8.

Gaius Gatullinius Secco traded in fish-sauce, but Exgingius Agricola engaged in salt trade for the city of Cologne. In both cases it is not clear, whether they were involved in trade with Britain. In view of the findspot of the inscriptions, however, this is usually assumed. The trading area of Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, on the other hand, definitely included Britain. He, too, dedicated an altar to the goddess Nehalennia near Colijnsplaat. The badly preserved inscription was read by Prof.

Bogaers after its discovery: Deae Nehalenniae, ob merces recte conservatas M arcus Secund inius? Silvanus, negotiator cretariu[s] Britannicianu[s], v otum s olvit l ibens m erito 9. A notable aspect of this inscription is the mentioning of the product he seems to have exported to Britain, he was a trader in pottery. There is another altar dedicated to the goddess Nehalennia by Marcus Secundinius Silvanus, presumably with the same text.

It was found with the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Domburg Interestingly, it is the only dedicatory inscription from Domburg that was put up by a merchant. None of the other inscriptions from this site mention occupations. It would appear that merchants preferred to use the sanctuary of Nehalennia at Colijnsplaat. The inscriptions of Marcus Secundinus Silvanus therefore show that in the Roman period pottery trade with Britain was in control of a special group of merchants, the negotiatores cretarii Britannniciani.

Pottery is an especially useful tool for the study of trade routes. Naturally amphorae, too, are made from clay but they served a primary function as vessels for 6 Deae Nehalenniae catalogue of the exhibition in Middelburg 78 no Ibid.

The temple of Nehalennia at Domburg, 70, no. In this case the goods that were traded were the contents, not the vessels themselves. In the case of the pottery merchants, however, the vessels themselves were the object of trade. There are three kinds of pottery which might be traded by the negotiatores cretarii Britanniciani, because they were produced in the Gallo-Germanic area between the 2 nd and 4 th century AD and were found in Britain.

The distribution area in which moulded sigillata from Rheinzabern mainly is found consists of southern Germania Superior and the territories along the Danube. Yet some moulded sigillata from the workshops at this site are found on the lower Rhine and in Britain This is hardly surprising, as it is a direct consequence of the location of the production centre.

But some vessels were brought to areas further afield, of which the ones in the lower Rhine area and the British Isles are of particular interest.

Finally the cooking ware of the Mayen ware was produced in Mayen in the Eifel region in Germany. Because of the quality of theses pots, they were traded over long distances, and are even found in Britain. All three centres of production Rheinzabern, Trier and Mayen have one thing in common: The distribution of wares from Trier and Rheinzabern shows that transport of pottery did indeed take place primarily on rivers. While both wares are found in Britain and the lower Rhine region as well as on the middle Danube, one needs to take into account the density of finds.

As we are dealing with two entirely different products, a splitting of the market between two groups of merchants cannot have been the reason for this phenomenon.

If we consider the position of the two production sites, however, it becomes apparent that they are situated to the north and south respectively of a 11 MEES, A. In modern times a clear way has been blasted through the rocks, and the course of the river has been adjusted in order for big river vessels to pass this particular stretch of river.

This typical distribution pattern, caused by a natural obstruction, shows clearly that products from the Rhine Mosel area were transported to the coast by ship along rivers, before they were finally brought to Britain.

Due to their depth under water, seaworthy transport vessels could not have been the sole vessels to carry out this task. It is rather more likely that the goods were transported to the coast on lighter river vessels with less draught. Only once they reached the coast were they loaded onto larger vessels that were capable of making the Channel crossing. These are vessels with a flat bottom with much defined edges. This almost rectangular form ensured that they did not sink too deep into the water.

As both ends of the vessel rose upwards slightly, it was possible to run the ship up a bank to some extent a feature that would have eased loading and unloading considerably. Whenever some cargo was found with the remains of these vessels, it consisted of either grain or building materials.

Both types are goods that need not have been transported from the continent to the British Isles, as they were available in abundance there. In the context of this information the cargoes make perfect sense. Grain was used for the supply of the soldiers, building materials especially stone and tile were essential for the building of forts. Yet there is no straightforward and secure evidence that these vessels may have been used for civilian purposes. Model of the wreck Zwammerdam 2 as an example of a Prahm This means that, for any study of civilian shipping on rivers we have to rely solely on Roman ship representations.

In any study of Roman ship iconography in a civilian context, completely new types of ship appear. At the same time a large range of ship types emerges His tombstone, now in the Landesmuseum Mainz, was found at Mainz- Weisenau and shows Blussus and his family on the front.

The jewellery of his wife and the purse in his hand are indicators of his family s wealth. The back of the stone shows the reason for his prosperity it appears that he owned a ship for transporting goods along the Rhine fig.

The rising ends of his vessel, especially the stern, are characteristic features. A rudder at the stern was used for steering. To assist with the steering, another oar is being operated by a man in the bow. The ship was propelled by oars indicated here by two oarsmen in the stern, sitting just in front of the helmsman.

The short mast further shows that the ship could have been towed. Unfortunately, it is not possible to identify the cargo for certain, even though it appears to consist of boxes. The proportions make it clear that Blussus ship must have been a rather small vessel. There would hardly have been space for more than the four crew members once some cargo was stowed between the mast and the rudder and the propulsion oars.

The high stern of Blussus vessels from Mainz forms the connection to a representation of a ship from Cologne 14, which unfortunately is incomplete fig.

At least it shows that the ship on the tombstone of Blussus is not a creation of some stonemason s imagination, but a representation of an existing ship type.

In any case it is difficult to believe that Blussus or his family would have accepted a representation of his vessel that did not bear relation to the actual ship. Relief of a part of a ship from Cologne The three vessels depicted on the base of the Tiber also seem to have had flat bottoms.

This sculpture is today kept in the Louvre. Their association with the personified river Tiber makes it natural to interpret these vessels as typical Tiber ships, used to transport goods from Portus to Rome. The Tiber vessels would have been significantly longer than Blussus vessel, and the sides, seen in comparison to the overall length, are much lower fig. In this respect the Tiber vessels bear more resemblance to the heavy bulk carriers of type Zwammerdam.

These vessels, however, are very different indeed. While the steep but not very high stern may bear some resemblance to the Zwammerdam vessels, the bow is utterly different. It is curved upwards, a feature common to all three vessels on the relief. On one we can further see a mast used for towing. Model of a small cargo boat from the Tiber statue in the Louvre A ship representation from Jünkerath in Germany, now in the Rheinisches Landesmuseum Trier, is somewhat similar, yet considerably easier to interpret fig.

While the ship itself is not represented on this fragment, the sail is clearly visible. It is easy to discern the crosswise spars which strengthen the sail. This solves the problem posed by the sail of the Bad Kreuznach representation. This too, must have been a sail supported with spars.

This type of sail is much easier to operate by a small crew. The curving bow of the Tiber vessels is reminiscent of a vessel found on a mosaic in the Roman villa of Bad Kreuznach in Germany fig. But the shape of the bow is the only common element of the vessels indeed; in all other respects the vessel from Bad Kreuznach looks entirely different.

This vessel does not have a flat bottom, but is of a rounded shape. The cargo consists of amphorae. The main method of propulsion seems to have been the sail - one can see it has become loose and the crew is busy attempting to draw it back in. This sail merits further attention. The waved edges of the sail could not flap like this, even in the heaviest storm. As the rest of the image is of convincing accuracy, there must be a specific reason for this design.

Relief from Jünkerath Typical transport vessels in the interior appear to have been canoe-shaped vessels. These are found most frequently on relevant Roman representations. One of them, loaded with barrels, is to be seen on a relief in the museum at Avignon fig. The vessel is being towed from the bank. The ropes are tied to the towing mast. The helmsman in the stern is obviously attempting to keep the craft on course by steering against the direction of tow. Even though men, vessel and cargo are by no means displayed with accurate proportions in this depiction, it is still clear that we are dealing with a small vessel.

The cargo ship on the mosaic of Bad Kreuznach and the ship model. The Altar is now kept in the Rijksmuseum in Leiden fig. In this case the cargo also consists of barrels, which appear to be stacked two high.

They fill the ship almost completely. There is only a little space for the helmsman, steering the vessel from the stern with a rudder, just as we observed on the fragment of Cologne and Blussus ship. One oarsman can be identified in the bow. Again, the image suggests a rather small craft with few crew members. The canoe on the relief from Avignon and the model The canoe-like vessel on the column in Igel, a small site near Trier, seems to have been somewhat longer fig.

It is found on the base of a large monument, the tomb of a cloth-trader. The image shows his goods being transported. This vessel is also being towed by two people. Just as in the case of the Avignon ship, the helmsman is shown using his rudder to steer against the direction of tow. In this case, too, there appears to have been virtually no space for anything but cargo and the three crew members. The canoe on an altar for the goddess Nehalennia and the model On the basis of these representations of Roman river craft that belong to a civilian context, we can therefore reach three conclusions: There is a wide variety of ship types, reaching from flat-bottomed vessels all the way to canoe-like boats.

The canoe on the Igel column and the model 15 Deae Nehalenniae catalogue of the exhibition in Middelburg 77 no. None of these vessels would have been able to sail the open sea.

The English Channel could therefore not have been crossed in boats like these. The representations of ships therefore support the earlier thesis that goods produced in the interior i.

Only upon reaching the coast were the goods transferred into larger, seaworthy merchant vessels before making the crossing to Britain. Further proof of this thesis is found amongst the votive altars to the goddess Nehalennia.

A typical image, of which there are several examples, shows the goddess putting one foot onto a ship. As opposed to the smaller craft we know from the inland, this vessel appears larger, and indeed seaworthy.

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